Monday, January 14, 2013

"Zero Dark Thirty" and the Question of Torture


 In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks the United States and several European countries have had to wrestle with the acceptability of using torture as a means to gather information. The recently released movie "Zero Dark Thirty" has once again brought this question to the forefront as the movie depicts information being gained by means of torture, intimidation, and outright brutality. Initial reviews of the movie are careful to state that the film does not glorify torture or suggest that it is the ultimate means of winning the war on terror, but the film does raise the moral question of whether or not torture is an allowable method in pursuing victory. It should be noted that torture has been uniformly prohibited for any reason by the international community since the ratification of the United Nations Convention Against Torture in 1984.[1] However, with the advent of asymmetric warfare, in which the resources and tactics of the belligerents are widely divergent, many governments have openly debated, and often participated in, the use of “light” forms of torture in order to gain information. It is necessary in this environment for Christians to be able to answer if torture is ever a viable method in war and determine the moral ramifications if such a course of action is taken.
            Much of the debate concerning torture revolves around the need for information to prevent attacks. Theologian John Perry correctly states that “[w]hat makes this asymmetric war different is the importance of accurate information needed…Because the battlefield seems to be everywhere in general and nowhere in particular, knowing what the enemy is about to do next is crucial to saving innocent lives in buildings, on airplanes, in the sea lanes, on subways and in commuter trains.”[2] This need has led some to advocate the use of “stress and duress” tactics to gain information from possible terrorists in order to prevent an attack. Such tactics include the use of “hooding, food deprivation, sleep deprivation, bright lights and loud noise, and forced standing against a wall while leaning on one finger of each hand.”[3]
These techniques are designed to weaken the defenses of the suspect and to make them more apt to give information in order to make the treatment stop The CIA described the effects of long term mental and physical abuses such as these in the KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation manual:
All coercive techniques are designed to induce regression…the result of external pressures of sufficient intensity is the loss of those defenses most recently acquired by civilized man… “Relatively small degrees of homeostatic derangement, fatigue, pain, sleep loss, or anxiety may impair these functions”. As a result, “most people who are exposed to coercive procedures will talk and usually reveal some information that they might not have revealed otherwise.”[4]

 Generally, this type of coercive pressure is justified by the assumptions that the information gleaned through it could be necessary to stop the next major attack. Mirko Bagaric and Julie Clarke, both of Deakin University Law School, insist that when there are a number of lives at risk, there is an immediacy to the possible harm, and there are limited other means to gather the information “all forms of harm may be inflicted on the agent – even if this results in death.”[5]
            Advocates of torture insist that “light” forms of torture should not be considered a morally reprehensible action for several reasons, most of which are based in a utilitarian philosophy. Alan Dershowitz advocates torture through the use of a federal warrant system and allows that it is not a violating the prisoner’s rights because “his right to be free from ‘cruel and unusual punishment’” has not been violated since “that provision of the Eighth Amendment has been interpreted to apply solely to punishment after conviction.”[6] And, in Dershowitz’s opinion, such governmentally sanctioned torture may be necessary to prevent the “ticking time bomb” scenario in which information must be extracted from a terrorist to prevent an impending attack.[7] Similarly, philosopher and human rights advocate Slavoj Zizek notes that supporters of torture justified the use of such techniques at Guantanamo Bay because the victims “were the target of legitimate US bombings in Afghanistan and accidentally survived, no one can complain about what happens to  them afterwards as prisoners: whatever their situation, it is better than being dead.”[8]
            Critics of justified torture note that such considerations are entirely pragmatic and fail for several reasons. However, many of the counterarguments offered are entirely pragmatic themselves. These arguments range from stating that torture only strengthens the resolve of the tortured, is a waste of resources, causes rebellion amongst native populations, and places military forces at greater risk of retaliation. Critics most often note that torture “rarely yields better information than traditional human intelligence, partly because no one has figured out a precise reliable way to break human beings or any reliable method to evaluate whether what prisoners say when they do talk is true.”[9] Additionally, for the torture to stop “the torturers [must be] persuaded the victim has kept her part of the bargain by telling them all there is to tell and also upon the torturers choosing to keep their side of the bargain.”[10] This places the torturer in the position of arbitrarily determining when these conditions have been met. It is telling that manuals, such as the KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation, contain no objective method to determine when all the possible information has been gathered or for when the torturer should be satisfied enough to end the interrogation.
Justifying such actions also leads to a logical problem because to endorse the use of torture in a “ticking time bomb” scenario implicitly endorses torture whenever it may be politically or militarily useful. Perry cautions that “if a community permits a prevailing norm to be broken in one case, this will lead to an ever more extensive moral impasse. For this reason, the rule must be absolute and allow for no exceptions.”[11]
            However, while all these arguments may be true they fail to address the violation of the tortured individuals human rights and dignity as a person created in the image of God. From Genesis 1 onward the Christian is confronted with the truth that man is created in the image of God and that fundamental part of his creation is being made for relationships. The first direct indication of this is in Genesis 2 where God states that “it is not good that man should be alone”[12], but we can also gather the relational nature of man from the interrelationship of the Trinity. The first indirect indication of this comes in Genesis 1 where God, as a singular entity, is referred to with the Hebrew plural form of “god”, elohim. This convention is repeated approximately 2,500 times throughout the rest of the Old Testament and implies that “God is one, yet more than one – what some commentators have referred to as the ‘uniplurality’ of the Godhead.”[13] This is further stressed when God declares, “Let us make man in our image”[14] again implying the Trinity working together to create man.  The New Testament further elaborates on this interrelationship among the Trinity by showing that the Son is begotten and beloved[15] as well as glorified by the Father[16]; the Son reveals and glorifies the Father[17]; and the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and testifies of His truth.[18] Throughout these passages it is revealed that “God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit are different Persons, yet remain one in nature, essence, substance, and will. [Therefore], [t]he unity of God is a relational unity.”[19]
            Man shares in this relational nature in several distinct ways. First, man and woman are both shown to be created in the image of God[20] and by nature are in need of companionship to be complete.[21] Second, the prohibition against murder and the divine institution of capital punishment are both given in the context of a violation of the image of God in man.[22] Torture, then, is an especially heinous act because it violates the shared relationships that we have with other human beings which are a direct reflection of the very nature of God. This destruction of relationship extends across several different levels of human nature:
Torture is also personally destructive to the torturers because they intend to diminish or even destroy the personhood of their victims. It is this subjective, interpersonally destructive aspect of torture that makes it different and morally worse than many other destructive aspects of war… We humans are vice-regents of God on earth and have dominion over all other life forms. The cruelty of torture is special because no animal or other creature than a man or woman would inflict it in the same way upon someone else…Thus, a torturer inflicting torments and suffering on a victim not only defaces another brother or sister, but implicitly attacks the face of God in the other, and destroys human community.[23]

            The psychological and physical destruction done to both victim and torturer cannot be overstated. Victims of torture often develop mental trauma similar to that of post-traumatic stress disorder and can undergo radical shifts in personality and mood. Such shifts occur because torture tends to destroy an individual's “Third-Order premises” which deal with “the attribution of meaning to one’s environment.”[24] The victim is left in a state of general terror and insecurity in which their world has lost meaning and there is no longer any basis on which to build trusting relationships with others. This destruction of trust tends to manifest in the victims life in several different ways including: insomnia, nightmares, night sweats, sexual dysfunction, a hostile attitude towards the world, social withdrawal, feeling of hopelessness, the feeling of being constantly threatened, estrangement, and even suicide.[25] These effects can extend not only to the victim, but also to those who are forced to watch the torture of others unwillingly. Wilhelmina Vautrin, head of the Education Department and dean of studies at Ginling Women’s Arts and Science College in Nanking, China, was witness to such torture during the Japanese invasion of Nanking in 1938. Vautrin, in attempting to protect the Chinese from the Japanese army, saw rape, beheadings, mutilations, and extreme forms of torture acted out on a daily basis. The effects shattered Vautrin who is described afterwards as “a vulnerable exhausted woman who never recovered, either emotionally or physically, from daily exposure to Japanese violence.”[26] So devastated was Vautrin that she repeatedly attempted to take her own life in 1940 as she traveled back to the United States and eventually succeeded in May of 1941.
            While the effects of torture on the victim are horrendous, we must not lose sight on the effects upon the torture as well. The torturer, in victimizing his target, “undergoes a moral violation if he conceives of his victim as being without human dignity. This moral choice and his practicing of torture strip him of his own God-given nobility.”[27] Studies done on those who inflict torture have found that they “illustrate they heavy psychological toll that participation in torture can have on perpetrators.”[28] Tortures are just as likely to have occurrences of post-traumatic stress disorder and report incidences of depression and intrusive memories which have been linked to the torture “abdicat[ing] their own personal beliefs and…assum[ing] the values of an institution or group that promotes torture and other atrocities.”[29] In taking on these beliefs, the torturer is forced to shed all empathy for the victim and find ways to dehumanize them so as to make the physical act of torture more readily acceptable. Perhaps no more graphic depiction of the dehumanization that occurs in the mind of the torturer came from the release of photos from Abu Ghraib prison. These photos showed:
…prisoners subjected to cruel and humiliating treatment…a handcuffed, terrified prisoner is shown cornered by a snarling military dog straining against its leash…naked prisoners [being] forced to lie on top of one another in a pile or…simulate sexual acts…Some photos were especially disturbing because they show soldiers (both men and women) posing next to the abused prisoners, grinning or giving “thumbs up” signs, appearing to take sadistic pleasure in the abuse.[30]

In light of the debilitating effects of torture on both tortured and torturer, it is surprising to find that there are still those who advocate its use while acknowledging its consequences. For many this acceptance comes because of a utilitarian calculus that understands the value of human dignity, but sees “life [as trumping] dignity and respect for self esteem…Torture, in this view, is the lesser evil, offset by saving many innocent lives from catastrophic harm.”[31] Political ethicist Michael L. Gross serves as an advocate for torture in this particular case, while acknowledging that such an argument can be disastrous if taken outside of certain contexts. Gross sees torture as being a “marginal phenomenon” that “neither benefits nor cost democracies greatly”[32] and for which there is no “overwhelming evidence that the costs…are intolerable.”[33]
Gross contends that torture should only be done under the auspices of a democratic nation which can effectively control its use. Torture only becomes problematic when it is used by a repressive regime that “infiltrates civil society, terrorizes civilians in war and peace, and undermines peaceful coexistence among nations.”[34] Accordingly, whether a country such as the United States participates in torture or not will have no effect on oppressive regimes. Thus, torture as a means of gathering information should only be abandoned when it is necessary to justify humanitarian intervention in such a regime.[35]
            For the Christian, and the intellectually honest, this argument must be rejected. As with previous arguments for torture, it denies the very nature of man as created in the image of God and ignores the long term effects of torture upon the victim, the torturer, and the culture that allows it. To couch the argument in terms of the safeguards that a democracy can supposedly provide is  to still ignore the deeper violation that occurs. For the Christian, this is the recognition that torture destroys the special nature of man that has been placed in him by the divine, creative act of God. From a completely pragmatic stance as well, a “modern liberal democracy that permits or encourages this practice as a strategy for survival, betrays its ultimate reality and meaning which has been connected with the absolute prohibition of torture.”[36] The belief in “inalienable rights” loses all meaning and a license is given to act against what has been condemned as a universal wrong.
            The Christian, then, is faced with an absolute and permanent prohibition against allowing or participating in torture. In the current political climate this is a difficult position to take when fear of more terrorist attacks and the desire to end two wars runs rampant. Christians also face additional pressure to condone torture when confronted with the past acts of the church, as in the Inquisition. However, the previous, wrong acts of a church body cannot serve to justify a present wrong act. This is especially when Scripture is clear that to engage in such practices is a violation of the created order. Indeed, the acts of church bodies such as the Inquisition should reveal the destructive nature of torture and the debilitating effect it has upon the witness of the Church.
            The Christian’s place in the ongoing debate about torture is to continue to denounce it as a destructive act that mars God’s image in man and to not be swayed by the apparent good that can come from it. In fact, Christians must be duly cautious of the apparent good that can come from such an act. Since at least the time of Aquinas, theologians have held that it is this desire for the apparent good that can cause men to sin. In our fallenness we can recognize the good, but we “consistently choose a lesser good that is only apparently good but lacks some crucial factor found in the ideal good”[37] which is found only in the revealed will of God. We must be, therefore, consistently dependent upon God’s grace and revelation to discern what the true and acceptable good is and not fall prey to pragmatic or utilitarian arguments that seem to provide an easier way in a time of war.


[1] Office of the United nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment”, http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cat.htm, (Accessed January 14, 2013).
[2] John Perry, Torture: Religious Ethics and National Security (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2005), 31.
[3] Ibid., 19.
[4] Central Intelligence Agency, KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation, pg. 83, 1963, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB122/CIA%20Kubark%2061-112.pdf , (accessed Sept. 25, 2012).
[5] Mirko Bagaric and Julie Clark, “Not Enough Official Torture in the World? The Circumstances in Which Torture is Morally Justifiable”, University of San Francisco Law Review, Vol. 39, No. 3, Spring, pp. 581-616, http://dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30003363/clarke-notenoughofficial-2005.pdf , (accessed Sept. 25, 2012).
[6] Alan Dershowitz, Why Terrorism Works: Understanding the Threat, Responding to the Challenge, (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 135.
[7] Alan Dershowitz, interviewed by Wolf Blitzer, CNN News, CNN, March 4, 2003, http://edition.cnn.com/2003/LAW/03/03/cnna.Dershowitz/, (accessed Oct. 4, 2012).
[8] Slavoj Zizek, “Between Two Deaths” in London Review of Books. Vol. 26, No. 11, p. 19, June 3, 2004, http://www.egs.edu/faculty/slavoj-zizek/articles/between-two-deaths/  (accessed Oct. 4, 2012).
[9] Darius Rejali, “Tortures Dark Allure”Salon.com, June 18, 2004, http://www.salon.com/2004/06/18/torture_1/, (accessed Oct. 4, 2012).
[10] Perry, Torture: Religious Ethics and National Security, 50.
[11] Ibid, 79.
[12] Genesis 2:18, ESV.
[13] Russell Grigg, “Who Really is the God of Genesis?”, Creation Magazine, Vol. 27, Issue 3, pg. 37-39, June 2005, http://creation.com/who-really-is-the-god-of-genesis#r8, (accessed Oct. 9, 2012).
[14] Genesis 1:26, ESV.
[15] John 3:16, ESV.
[16] John 17:5, ESV.
[17] Matthew 11:27, John 1:18, ESV.
[18] John 15:26, ESV.
[19] Ethan R. Longhenry, “Made for Relationships”, The Voice, May 15, 2011, http://www.venicechurchofchrist.org/voice/maderelationships/, (accessed Oct. 4, 2012).
[20] Genesis 1:27, ESV.
[21] Genesis 2:18, ESV.
[22] Genesis 9:16, ESV.
[23] Perry, Torture: Religious Ethics and National Security, 43.
[24] Ibid, 104.
[25] Ibid, 104.
[26] Iris Chang, The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II, (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 1997), 187.
[27] Perry, Torture: Religious Ethics and National Security, 83.
[28] Mark A. Constanza, “The Effects and Effectiveness of Using Torture as an Interrogation Device: Using Research to Inform the Policy Debate”, Social Issues and Policy Review, Vol. 3, No. 1, 2009, 179-210, http://www.cgu.edu/pdffiles/sbos/costanzo_effects_of_interrogation.pdf, (accessed Oct. 9, 2012), 194.
[29] Ibid., 195.
[30] Ibid., italics mine, 180.
[31] Michael L. Gross, Moral Dilemmas of Modern War: Torture, Assassination, and Blackmail in an Age of Asymmetric Conflict, (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2010), Kindle E-book, 1690.
[32] Ibid., 1849.
[33] Ibid., 1842.
[34] Ibid., 1849.
[35] Ibid., 1857.
[36] Perry, Torture: Religious Ethics and National Security, 164.
[37] Ibid., 152.

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